CHAD: THE CUSTOM OF TAKING POWER BY ARMS

Amoulgam Aze Kerte[1]

 

A brief historical comeback…

Once again, a rebel column was announced, entering through the Chadian-Libyan border, with the aim of taking power. An offensive on the capital N’Djamena is imminent, according to consistent sources. Some foreign embassies invite their nationals to be vigilant and, ultimately, to leave the Chadian territory as soon as possible[2]. This new foray is for Chadian an umpteenth rerun of a war film already watched.

Indeed, since independence on August 11, 1960, and the handing over of power by the former colonist to the first president François Tombalbaye, military force has been established as a rule of the seizure of power. Armed groups organise themselves and overthrow the government of the day, when they succeed. Tombalbaye was killed by a military coup on April 13, 1975, a civil war broke out in 1979, a government of national unity bringing together small politico-military groups were set up, Hissein Habré overthrew Goukouni Oueddei and took power by force in 1982, himself later driven out by one of his right-hand men Idriss Deby in 1990. Several other attempts to seize power by force were unsuccessful. I just learned, before this article was published, that President Idriss Deby is dead. He is said to have succumbed to his injuries following armed clashes. You will understand, it is a real jungle where the strongest win and hold their own.

What is the Chadian people doing in all this...

Until today, the people have not really had a say. They suffer quite passively the succession of events, not for lack of will, but by inability to influence the course of their history. At least in the logic of the weapons put in place. They ended up putting their hopes for better governance and a better future on every new politico-military offensive that come along. But they soon realised that each rebellion, driven by its own interests, regards Chad as a spoil of war to be won and shared at the cost of blood. They did not, however, prevent themselves from continuing to cheer and encourage the rebellion, in their deep despair. After all, isn’t the armed struggle established as a customary rule of the seizure of power? And in this matter, foreign powers are more decisive than this powerless Chadian population.

And democracy…

No election has allowed for political alternations since 1996. Deby now has 31 years in power. He was again announced as the winner of the April 11, 2021, election, as his main opposition rivals withdrew their candidacies or were prevented from taking part in the vote. The political opposition and Chadian civil society are subject to severe oppression by the current government. All peaceful demonstrations are forbidden and repressed, except those that support the ruling power. The last sad event is the firing of tear gas in a primary school by the security forces in repression at a demonstration of unemployed graduates.

On the issue of political alternation, it must be admitted that it does not only concern the party in power. The political opposition also kept only the same old figures. A kind of political class with the same names gradually built up, the children inheriting their parents. This is not really surprising given the patrimonialisation, ethnicization and clientélisation of politics in Chad. The current (now ex) president has been able to subtly pull this string to ensure longevity in power. The recent and timely appearance of young figures in the political sphere, however, brings a new lease of life. Major advances are to be credited to this new wave (including political actors and civil society) which has decided to take its destiny in hand by exercising, against the winds and tides, its rights and freedoms to political participation, assembly and peaceful demonstrations.

The role of the intellectual elite…

I share here a comment on Facebook that earned me the invectives of a colleague with ambiguous positions, and which nevertheless concerns me as much as any Chadian intellectual: ‘I understand your situation, that of the Chadian “intellectual” who arrives at the crossroads of his life, divided between the search for a peaceful and flourishing career guaranteed by a politics of the belly, and his conscience which opposes him systematically to a system of bad governance and patent injustice. My brother, stop playing on words, make your choice and go for it. You will not be the first or the last. This lukewarm neutrality will make you be vomited, everywhere.’ Forgive me the syntax, for it was an instant comment, but these words are an exact caricature of the dilemma of the Chadian intellectual. It has a choice between silence and acceptance of the system in place and denunciation and rejection of the system.

Having a university degree and an exemplary background is not enough to get a job in Chad. The process of entering the public service is opaque. Knowledge and science are not valued. Even with an exemplary academic background abroad, there is every chance of being trampled in Chad. Faced with this system, some prefer to stay abroad, choose the path of exile to enhance their skills. Others come in and put themselves at the service of the system, sometimes with the great ambition to change it from within. There is also a small minority which denounces the abuses of the system, at the cost of its life, its future and those of its relatives, and which deserves to be praised.

The results…

Before deciding on the future, let’s take stock of the past. The observation is obviously that of failure, not of one or some, but of all. The perpetual armed struggles have not brought democracy to Chad. Each armed group arrives with its own agenda which, at least until today, does not meet the aspirations of the people. Civil and political rights are violated, and armed struggle has been established as a rule of political alternation. Chad is not able to meet the primary needs of its population, which itself has long been confined to passivity. The education system is being undermined by perpetual strikes. Unemployment is at its peak, and youth is being sacrificed. Corruption is built into a system of government and nepotism as a state rule. The state is privatised, and public goods are equated with the private property of a few. Even the political capital N’Djamena is not covered with water and electricity. In short, Chad is a long way back from its time.  

What does the future hold for us…

The future looks very bright for Chad, because more than ever the Chadian people have become aware and yearn for something better. Change is inevitable. The postcolonial generation, which has not quite shied away from its submissive reflexes, is gradually giving way to a proud and upright new generation. Postcolonial governments, based on a colonial replica of servitude and externalised allegiance, will make way for new governments concerned with national interests. The self-sacrifice and courage of the new generation lead to a fair and egalitarian system for all Chadians. The seizure of power by arms must be definitively banned through the construction of a common national consciousness. The aspiration for justice and equality has been rooted in popular thought. The latest political advances, with the emergence of new progressive trends, promise optimistic prospects.

 

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The reflections contained in this blog post belong only to their author and may not result in the liability of Justice in Action or persons who have revised and edited it, which does not constitute legal or political advice.



[1] The French version of this blog post was published on April 20, 2021: https://www.justiceenaction.com/2021/04/tchad-la-coutume-de-la-prise-du-pouvoir.html

[2] France, USA, UK.

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