CHAD: THE CUSTOM OF TAKING POWER BY ARMS
Amoulgam Aze Kerte[1]
A brief historical comeback…
Once
again, a rebel column was announced, entering through the Chadian-Libyan border,
with the aim of taking power.
An offensive on the capital N’Djamena is imminent, according to consistent
sources. Some foreign embassies invite their nationals to be vigilant and,
ultimately, to leave the Chadian territory as soon as possible[2].
This new foray is for Chadian an umpteenth rerun of a war film already watched.
Indeed, since independence on August 11, 1960, and the
handing over of power by the former colonist to the first president François
Tombalbaye, military force has been established as a rule of the seizure of
power. Armed groups organise themselves and overthrow the government of the
day, when they succeed. Tombalbaye
was killed
by a military coup on April 13, 1975, a civil
war broke out in 1979,
a government of national unity bringing together small politico-military groups
were set up, Hissein
Habré overthrew Goukouni Oueddei and took power by force in 1982, himself later driven
out by one of his right-hand men Idriss Deby in 1990. Several other attempts to
seize power by force were unsuccessful. I just learned, before this article was
published, that President Idriss Deby is dead. He is said to have succumbed to
his injuries following armed clashes. You will understand, it is a real jungle
where the strongest win and hold their own.
What is the Chadian people doing in all this...
Until today, the people have not really had a say. They
suffer quite passively the succession of events, not for lack of will, but by
inability to influence the course of their history. At least in the logic of
the weapons put in place. They ended up putting their hopes for better
governance and a better future on every new politico-military offensive that
come along. But they soon realised that each rebellion, driven by its own
interests, regards Chad as a spoil of war to be won and shared at the cost of
blood. They did not, however, prevent themselves from continuing to cheer and
encourage the rebellion, in their deep despair. After all, isn’t the armed
struggle established as a customary rule of the seizure of power? And in this
matter, foreign powers are more decisive than this powerless Chadian
population.
And democracy…
No election has allowed for political alternations
since 1996. Deby now has 31 years in power. He was again announced as the
winner of the April 11, 2021, election, as his main opposition rivals withdrew
their candidacies or were prevented from taking part in the vote. The political
opposition and Chadian civil society are subject to severe oppression by the current
government. All
peaceful demonstrations are forbidden and repressed, except those that support the ruling power. The last
sad event is the firing
of tear gas in a primary school by the security forces in repression at a
demonstration of unemployed graduates.
On the issue of political alternation, it must be
admitted that it does not only concern the party in power. The political
opposition also kept only the same old figures. A kind of political class with
the same names gradually built up, the children inheriting their parents. This
is not really surprising given the patrimonialisation, ethnicization and
clientélisation of politics in Chad. The current (now ex) president has
been able to subtly pull this string to ensure longevity in power. The recent
and timely appearance of young figures in the political sphere, however, brings
a new lease of life. Major
advances are to be credited to this new wave (including political actors and civil society) which
has decided to take its destiny in hand by exercising, against the winds and tides,
its rights and freedoms to political participation, assembly and peaceful demonstrations.
The role of the intellectual elite…
I share here a comment on Facebook that earned me the
invectives of a colleague with ambiguous positions, and which nevertheless
concerns me as much as any Chadian intellectual: ‘I understand your situation,
that of the Chadian “intellectual” who arrives at the crossroads of his life,
divided between the search for a peaceful and flourishing career guaranteed by
a politics of the belly, and his conscience which opposes him systematically to
a system of bad governance and patent injustice. My brother, stop playing on
words, make your choice and go for it. You will not be the first or the last.
This lukewarm neutrality will make you be vomited, everywhere.’ Forgive me the
syntax, for it was an instant comment, but these words are an exact caricature of
the dilemma of the Chadian intellectual. It has a choice between silence and
acceptance of the system in place and denunciation and rejection of the system.
Having a university degree and an exemplary background
is not enough to get a job in Chad. The process of entering the public service
is opaque. Knowledge and science are not valued. Even with an exemplary academic
background abroad, there is every chance of being trampled in Chad. Faced with
this system, some prefer to stay abroad, choose the path of exile to enhance
their skills. Others come in and put themselves at the service of the system,
sometimes with the great ambition to change it from within. There is also a small
minority which denounces the abuses of the system, at the cost of its life, its
future and those of its relatives, and which deserves to be praised.
The results…
Before deciding on the future, let’s take stock of the
past. The observation is obviously that of failure, not of one or some, but of
all. The perpetual armed struggles have not brought democracy to Chad. Each
armed group arrives with its own agenda which, at least until today, does not
meet the aspirations of the people. Civil and political rights are violated,
and armed struggle has been established as a rule of political alternation.
Chad is not able to meet the primary needs of its population, which itself has
long been confined to passivity. The education system is being undermined by
perpetual strikes. Unemployment is at its peak, and youth is being sacrificed.
Corruption is built into a system of government and nepotism as a state rule. The
state is privatised, and public goods are equated with the private property of
a few. Even the political capital N’Djamena is not covered with water and
electricity. In short, Chad is a long way back from its time.
What does the future hold for us…
The future looks very bright for Chad, because more
than ever the Chadian people have become aware and yearn for something better.
Change is inevitable. The postcolonial generation, which has not quite shied
away from its submissive reflexes, is gradually giving way to a proud and
upright new generation. Postcolonial governments, based on a colonial replica
of servitude and externalised allegiance, will make way for new governments
concerned with national interests. The self-sacrifice and courage of the new
generation lead to a fair and egalitarian system for all Chadians. The seizure
of power by arms must be definitively banned through the construction of a
common national consciousness. The aspiration for justice and equality has been
rooted in popular thought. The latest political advances, with the emergence of
new progressive trends, promise optimistic prospects.
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The reflections contained in this blog post belong
only to their author and may not result in the liability of Justice in
Action or persons who have revised and edited it, which does not constitute
legal or political advice.
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